October 2003 - Playboy Magazine (US)
Siege at Rainbow Farm
Author: Dean Kuipers
In 2001 a Hippie Campground Famous for Peace, Love and Weed
Erupted in Violence and Death. Was It Another Ruby Ridge or the
Collapse of a Failed Utopia?
On the day that he purchased Rainbow Farm, Tom Crosslin said
destiny had led him to the place. By the late 1990s the farm
would become a well-known stop on the hippie trail, a scenic
overlook for the migratory flocks of travelers and Phish fans
who crisscrossed the country. For thousands of blue-collar pilgrims
who stopped there looking for a few days of fun and freedom in
Michigan's vacation lands, it was a benevolent little campground.
And on any other Labor Day they would have been there: thousands
of happy stoners setting up tents for Crosslin's annual marijuana-legalization
fest, a party he'd named Roach Roast. But on Friday morning,
August 31, 2001, he was storming around, telling the last of
the local kids to leave.
"Get the hell out of here," Crosslin said, "and
don't you dare come back. Just watch the news tonight."
Crosslin and his lover, Rolland "Rollie" Rohm, were
in desperate straits. They were facing drug and firearms charges
brought against them by a local prosecutor, Scott Teter. If they
lost the case, they were looking at serious jail time and the
loss of their property under drug-war forfeiture laws. They had
posted bail, but it was now in danger of being revoked. Instead
of showing up at a bond hearing that morning, they had made the
momentous decision to blow it off and stay on the farm. They
were going to fight for their rights, but not in a court room.
When the road was quiet, Crosslin walked to his production
facility, a double wide modular unit that has served as a greenroom
during outdoor concerts by Merle Haggard and Tommy Chong. It
was now packed with bales of straw. Crosslin set it ablaze, sending
the red-winged blackbirds on a nearby pond into a riot of chatter.
Soon Rainbow Farm's other structures were burning: First a
wooden booth where visitors had traded $65 for tickets to three-daylong
hemp festivals, then an old pump house that served as Crosslin's
home, and a new one he'd built for his licensed campground and
RV hookups. Finally, the fire consumed his prize: a quarter-million-dollar
main campground building housing a coffee shop, a general store,
a head shop, the main office, showers for a dozen people and
Cass County's best laundromat. Acrid black smoke billowed into
the sky above 54 acres of woods and meadow, and all across the
country people read the signals: The four-year public feud between
Tom Crosslin and Cass County prosecutor Scott Teter had finally
come to a head.
Five days later, after a standoff that involved the sheriff's
department, the Michigan state police and the FBI, men lay dead
and lives were forever altered. The events at Rainbow Farm quickly
became front-page news but were even more quickly overshadowed
by the September 11 terrorist attacks. The story - and the troubling
issues it raised - seemed forgotten. Until now. Court documents
and extensive interviews with survivors make it possible to re-create
the events leading up to the siege and the escalation of violence
at Rainbow Farm. It's the story of the destruction of a flawed
utopia, a place where a group of outsiders made an attempt at
redemption and success but ended up facing the full force of
America's drug laws.
Tom and Rollie
In 1993 Crosslin bought a decrepit farmhouse on 34 rolling
acres of woods and cornfield outside the town of Vandalia, Michigan,
He paid $35,000 in cash - a steal - raising the money by selling
one of his many properties in Elkhart, Indiana, a building that
still bears his logo. When Crosslin moved to Rainbow Farm, it
was partly to establish a new household with Rohm. But Crosslin
had a larger plan: to build a Shangri-law cum campground where
he could live peacefully with his extended family and friends.
Two of his employees, Sheetrock man Morelle Yonkers (a Vietnam-era
vet) and his girlfriend , Amy Jo, moved into the old sugar shack
and began planting a giant garden. Doug Leinbach, an ex-banker
who became the farm's manager, moved into a big white teepee.
Soon Derrik DeCraene, an event promoter, joined them. Over the
years, the cast of characters expanded to include a carpenter
named Whoa Boy and That Guy, a spare hand. Crosslin was their
leader, Crosslin was the boss. And Rainbow Farm was where they
were all going to reinvent their lives.
Crosslin was born in Manchester, Tennessee, the third of four
children. His family moved to Elkhart when he was still a child.
By the age of 14 or so, Crosslin and his older brothers were
into beer and pot. Theirs was a world of muscle cars, factory
work, girls and getting stoned. "Tom's family was like mine
- we were always renting homes," says Leinbach. "They
were not wealthy. They didn't have running water in Tennessee.
But they were loving."
Like his three siblings, Crosslin quit school around 10th
grade and went to work. It was 1971. At one of his first jobs
- managing a car wash - the boss shorted his paycheck, and Crosslin
borrowed a gun from a friend and got his money. He was arrested
and served six months in jail. Crosslin ran with some bikers
and got married to a woman with a yellow Harley. He was divorced
from her amicably after a year or two, when he came to terms
with the fact that he was gay or bisexual. Leinbach, who is also
gay, never suspected a thing. "This was not the kind of
thing you talked about openly in Elkhart," he says.
Crosslin had plenty of friends and a knack for making money.
He started a steeplejack business raising flagpoles. The business
evolved into a full-blown service company, providing security
and rehabbing buildings. At the same time, Leinbach was managing
distressed properties for an Elkhart bank - repos and estate
settlements - and he routinely hired Crosslin's company. Soon
Crosslin began buying properties using land contracts, sometimes
acquiring them with down payments as small as $1,000.
Crosslin owned at last 20 properties at one point and employed
as many as 80 people. Men came to Crosslin when they were in
trouble - recently divorced, paroled, dishonorably discharged,
closeted. He'd put them on a crew and give them a place to live.
Crosslin brought out the pride in troubled people. At quitting
time, his houses on Prairie and Perkins streets often turned
into big party places. There would be cookouts, cases of beer,
vegetables from his gardens.
According to a friend in Elkhart's gay community, Crosslin
was promiscuous until he met Rollie Rohm. Rohm was 16 years old,
a slim, longhaired soccer player with a mustache, who had dropped
out of school and was looking for work. He had recently fathered
a child with Leslie Pletcher, a good-looking woman eight years
his senior. They married but quickly divorced. Their newborn
son, Robert, lived with Pletcher.
Crosslin, then 34, pushed the rest of his world aside for
Rohm. He bought him a red sports car and moved him into his house,
where they would sit and smoke pot in the living room hot tub.
According to Rohm's stepmother, who had worked with him in school
since he was four, he was "a little slow" and suffered
from hyperactivity. His natural parents were out of the picture,
and the two thinks that really interested him were rock music
and soccer. In Crosslin, Rohm found someone who would nurture
him.
"They didn't live a gay lifestyle," says Leinbach.
"They didn't want to embarrass anyone. They loved Robert
more than anything." Crosslin took Rohm and his son fishing
and blueberry picking. He liked to drive, and they would all
load into his white Rolls-Royce, with its 'HEMP 1' vanity plate,
and cruse through the countryside listening to oldies and Motown.
In 1994, a year after moving into the sprawling house at Rainbow
Farm, Rohm, with Crosslin's help, won custody of Robert.
"When Tom bought Rainbow Farm, he wanted to make his
living there," Leinbach says. "He didn't want to run
into Elkhart and tend to rental homes anymore. When he needed
money, he'd sell a house. Then he's buy a new one, so he's always
have assets. But he'd buy distressed homes, and we'd have to
renovate them. Even in the middle of a big event, we'd have to
drop everything for an emergency plumbing job."
"Tom wanted to do a campground," says attorney Don
France, a former prosecutor who handled most of Crosslin's civil
cases. "I have an RV camp too. I told him how to get a permit.
Campgrounds are transitory, overnight spots along a highway or
destination-type places on a river or lake. Tom didn't have any
of that, but he represented a lifestyle. People could do their
own thing and not be bothered."
"We wanted the farm to be a family campground,"
Leinbach says. "Most people with alternative lifestyles
find it hard to go to a public campground, for fear of arrest
or harassment by other campers. This was never a gay campground.
Tom like to say his ideas were messages from the hippie gods.
We believed in partaking of marijuana privately, responsibly.
"We were tired of seeing or friends, relatives and others
jailed because of marijuana use," he continues. "Too
many families destroyed, to many tax dollars wasted, just for
use of a god-given herb. The sense of injustice grew, and then
Tom decided, 'We're going to throw hemp festivals here.'"
When Crosslin decided to hold festivals at Rainbow Farm, he
did his research. He would allow visitors to smoke on his land,
which is a misdemeanor in Michigan. Technically, a cop can't
enter private property to issue a ticket for a misdemeanor. Gathering
to smoke pot in the house, Crosslin knew, would constitute a
felony called "maintaining a drug house," but no such
law exists for an open field. This was the thin green line Crosslin
drew around Rainbow Farm, and for five years it protected all
of them.
The Festivals
Beginning in 1996, the two annual Rainbow Farm events, HempAid
on Memorial Day and Roach Roast on Labor Day, were part Woodstock,
part union picnic. They were family-oriented affairs, with Rohm's
son, Robert, wheeling his golf cart among the soft-drink stands
and hemp clothing vendors and representatives from the National
Organization to Reform Marijuana Laws.
Onstage speakers railed against government oppression. Guests
included the chairman of the Van Buren County Libertarian Party,
High Times editor Steve Hager and MC5 manager and White Panther
Party jefe John Sinclair, who, in 1969, was sentenced to 10 years
in prison for possessing two joints. Most of them, unlike Crosslin
or Rohm, could trace a lineage to radicalism of the 1960s, when
they played to a more engaged audience. At Rainbow Farm gatherings
it was hard to tell if anyone was paying attention.
A church group even showed up twice to evangelize. "We
got a lot of lost souls out here," Crosslin said. "Might
as well let them have a few."
These events from 1996 through 2001 made Rainbow Farm the
center of pot activism in Michigan. They each cost more than
$100,000 to produce, and Crosslin needed to sell 2,500 tickets
to break even and 3,000 to show a meaningful profit. Only one
show (featuring Tommy Chong) ever approached this number. "We
were pretty much operating to keep operating," says DeCraene,
Rainbow's promoter. "If we fell on our butts, Tom just reached
into the old piggy bank."
Crosslin was confident that the shows would eventually become
viable, but his determination to build Rainbow Farm into a private
utopia was getting in the way of profitability. "We'd spend
$10,000 for Porta Potties," Leinbach says. "We spent
tens of thousands on bands, thousands on radios, thousands on
golf carts and on medics and supplies to handle emergencies."
"We had our own tent city. We had our own economy,"
says DeCraene. "It was a beautiful thing. If we were a humanitarian
project, we would have gotten awards. But instead we were made
out to be villains and pot smokers."
Everyday life at the farm was centered on the nuclear cluster
of Crosslin, Rohm and Robert. "Tom and Rollie were family,"
says Leinbach. "The wanted their son to know that - contrary
to what the DARE programs told him in school - his parents weren't
criminals. They were normal people."
"Before they started the festivals, there was a government
abuse/neglect charge," says France. "It didn't amount
to much - just an allegation that they were homosexuals and had
this boy around. But there was no indication of inappropriate
activity in the presence of the boy. It was trumped-up. And the
county backed off." Robert took a social worker out to fetch
still-warm eggs from the henhouse. According to Leinbach, she
came back glowing and declared the farm "a wholesome environment
in which to raise a child."
"That boy, he was loved by so many people," says
Leinbach. "And he was a good, generous young man. That boy
offered us strength at times when we didn't think we could go
on. All we had to do was see his smiling face and we were ready
to go at it another day."
Not everyone was as malleable as Robert. Crosslin put his
faith in human nature on the line when he assembled large crowds
of strangers. He tried to impress his philosophy on them: no
hard shit. If a marijuana high isn't good enough anymore, get
better marijuana. The whole point of the gathering was to uphold
privacy rights - it was civil disobedience. Show the world that
you can use marijuana and be responsible. Take care of your children.
Work. Be productive. And change the laws.
At the start of the 1999 season, Crosslin's organizers were
bent on doing a better job of promoting the festivals, and they
purchased lighted signboards along the highway. The state even
put in an official campground sign. With the higher profile,
they also drew some unwanted attention. Bob File, a member of
a prominent family that owns a huge hog and dairy farm adjacent
to Rainbow Farm, set up a traveling barbecue and sold pork sandwiches
during the events. He says the cops didn't care about the festivals
until Crosslin advertised out on M-60. "If Tom had been
more discreet," he says, "there wouldn't have been
much they could do. But once he pissed those guys off, there
was no turning back."
The Prosecutor
In the four years that Cass County prosecutor Scott Teter
tried to nail Crosslin, they never once talked face-to-face,
other than in court. "I understand that Crosslin did some
positive things with the community," Teter, 40, now says.
He is a law-and-order man whose moral vision is uncluttered by
shades of gray. His career has been marked by an ability to distill
life into a series of simple themes and to repeat them over and
over.
One of those themes was that Rainbow Farm was a drug mart.
"Crosslin believed in the legalization of marijuana,"
Teter says. "I don't have any problem with that - in fact,
our system encourages it. But at some point, his gatherings became
'Come to this property and use, distribute and deal any narcotic
you choose'."
Teter's office in the courthouse was decorated with awards
received for work on child support and photos of his family,
pillars of local society in Edwardsburg, Cass County's more affluent
district. His father, Jack Teter, is a county commissioner and
owner of a machine shop, and his mother, Marian, ran Teter Realty.
An anti-abortion Republican who campaigned on child welfare and
antidrug issues, he said after his election, "I believe
I was guided by the Lord." He went on the Weekend Today
show to talk about his billboard slogan: "If your sex partner
is under 16, they won't be when you get out of prison."
Soon after Teter took office, in December 1996, he began targeting
Rainbow Farm. On Memorial Day the sheriff and the state police
set up a "holiday sobriety checkpoint" on the only
road into or out of the farm. All weekend, cars were stopped
and drivers were questioned. Many were ticketed.
Teter says he didn't want to start a war. "We made a
decision several years ago that, no, for misdemeanor use of marijuana
I was not going marshal 500 troops and go in and provoke a violent
confrontation," he says.
But word was getting out: Go to Rainbow Farm, and you will
be harassed - or worse. Ticket sales to the festivals started
dropping. "They denied us the opportunity to make a living,"
Leinbach says. "We don't know how many thousands of people
they chased away."
In 1998 Teter sent an undercover narc into the festivals but
couldn't find enough evidence to prosecute its organizers. He
sent a letter, as he now says, "putting Crosslin on notice"
that he knew about "hard drugs" there. When fliers
went up announcing HempAid '99 Teter sent another letter, dated
March 24, 1999. This time he threatened to seize Crosslin's property
if hard drugs were found. The letter sent a cold shock through
Cass County. Overnight, what had been a political chess match
turned into a blood feud.
"That fucking son of a bitch, who does he think he is?"
ranted Crosslin when he received Teter's letter. Crosslin, the
self-made hillbilly real estate magnate, had studied up on drug-ware
forfeiture law. He stomped around the farmhouse, screaming about
it. It was a tool meant to break up drug cartels and close crack
houses, not destroy meant like him who were operating in the
open.
"He said, 'Sit down and write that son of a bitch a letter,'"
says Leinbach. Rohm sat by while Crosslin dictated. "Tom
was pissed. I said, 'Are you sure you want to say that?' He said,
'Hell yes, that's exactly what I want to say.'"
And so Crosslin shot back his reply: "Our friends at
the Michigan Militia have their ideas of how we should handle
your threats...."
This was not just a random invocation. The Michigan Militia
means something in Cass County, a right-wing, blue-collar enclave
where politics is often Republican in public and libertarian
in private. A number of Constitution-worshiping locals worked
security during Rainbow Farm festivals, though Tom Wayne, the
militia's official spokesman, declared that potheads could not
be militiamen.
Crosslin added a coda to his letter: "I have discussed
this with my family, and we are all prepared to die on this land
before we allow it to be stolen from us. How should be we be
prepared to die? Are you planning to burn us out like they did
in Waco, or will you have snipers shoot us through our windows
like the Weavers at Ruby Ridge?"
"Well, that sort of set the tone that we weren't going
to be able to talk this thing out," Teter says dryly. He
saw the letter for what it was: a shout of defiance. It caused
him to lean even harder on Crosslin. "Crosslin was saying,
'I'm going to do what I'm going to do, and I don't think that
you're going to do anything about it,'" Teter says. "I
took an oath to do something about it."
"Tom wasn't eloquent, but he was articulate on his points,"
says Don France. "In essence, it was, 'Leave private citizens
alone. If they want to smoke a little pot, they can smoke a little
pot. If they want to grow it and make a product out of it, well
and good too.' I'm not pro or anti - I don't smoke it, never
have - but the thing is, so what? You want to worship the Great
Pumpkin instead of a single supreme deity, you can do that, too."
Teter went to work to shut down Rainbow Farm. He began issuing
nuisance-abatement injunctions. The first was for violating a
"large gathering" ordinance. Crosslin got around this
by getting 501©3 nonprofit status through the pot-friendly
Columbus Institute of Contemporary Journalism. Then Teter tried
to get Crosslin for not having a campground license. A sympathizer
inside the courthouse slipped Crosslin the proper paperwork,
and he got a temporary license within days.
HempAid '99 went ahead as planned and turned out to be Rainbow
Farm's finest hour. Tommy Chong and his sons, billed as Chong
and the Family Stoned, played to 2,800 people who'd paid $65
a head. That Crosslin was able to pull it off in the face of
Teter's obstacles thrilled his employees as well as national
pot activists.
Undaunted, Teter had sent narcs from the Michigan state police's
Southwest Enforcement Team on a fishing expedition during both
festivals in 1999 . "Our officers, literally within 10 minutes,
made their first buy," says Teter. During the next two years,
narcs bought LSD, pot, hash, coke, meth, mushrooms and prescription
drugs." Teter acknowledges that this happens at concerts
everywhere. "The difference is the knowledge of the owner,"
he says. "Could Tom reasonably have known that there was
the ongoing distribution of drugs on his property? The answer
is yes."
However, none of the dozen or so buys was ever traced to Crosslin.
It was posted policy (on its website and at the farm's entrance)
that Rainbow Farm would remove anyone selling dope of any kind.
More important, before the federal Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation
Act took effect in 2003, concert promoters were protected from
the behavior of the paying public.
"They had tons of undercover cops there," says DeCraene.
"We laughed about it. The only thing that undercover cops
would find was a kid from Chicago trying to peddle a bag."
Still, Teter had put his endgame in motion. Emboldened by
its early success, the enforcement team requisitioned a motor
home and equipped it with hidden video cameras, taping naked
hippies and people of all kinds getting stoned. Teter was barraging
a Cass County judge named Mike Dodge with information that couldn't
convict Crosslin but was designed to leave a negative impression.
It was only a matter of time before Teter would have Crosslin
fighting for his life in the courts.
In the meantime, he fought for his life in the marketplace.
The year 2000 was not a good one for Crosslin's enterprises,
and his crew went on an all-out push to make money. He had finished
building the camp store and RV improvements, which took several
hundred thousand dollars out of his pockets. To its usual schedule,
the farm added the High Times World Hemp Entertainment Expo and
a show by Merle Haggard, but it lost $45,000 on these events,
mostly because of poor advertising but also because of its growing
narc reputation.
"We were living off chili and nachos from the store."
says Leinbach. "That's why I left in September 2000. My
father's house was being foreclosed in Elkhart. My bills weren't
being paid. Tom, Rollie, Derek and I - we couldn't make a living."
In the past, Crosslin had sold properties to keep his quixotic
vision alive. And in 2001, strapped for cash, he was forced to
make a move he had sworn he never would: He took out a mortgage
on the farm itself.
No Turning Back
In the spring of 2001 Crosslin and Rohm decided to build a
hydroponics room for growing pot in the farmhouse's basement.
"They asked my opinion, and I told them, 'it's the most
horrible idea I've ever heard in my life,'" says DeCraene.
"Have you guys ever heard the saying, You're betting the
farm?' We were the biggest pot activists in the state of Michigan,
for crying out loud. But they were so high-profile they couldn't
get any pot. And this was their solution."
On May 9, 2001 DeCraene woke up with Michigan state troopers
in ski masks pointing guns at his head. He was sleeping in the
office of the store building. "I was on the couch, and the
first thing I saw was a rifle pointed at my head. The cops were
so scared, their gun barrels were shaking. I'm waking up out
of a dead sleep and thinking, Oh my god, these guys are going
to shoot me and just say they thought I was trying to draw a
weapon."
"What's your name?" the cop shouted.
"Leave the building. Now!"
"Where are the drugs?"
DeCraene staggered outside and found Crosslin and Rohm sitting
in front of the farmhouse. "They herded us into a circle
and left us sitting in the sun with noting to eat or drink until
three o'clock. It was horrible."
The heavily armed squad had come to support the state IRS
on a tax warrant. Teter had an informant at the farm who alleged
that employees had been paid under the table. But the troopers
found the grow room and confiscated 301 starter plants. Cops
also found a loaded nine-millimeter pistol and two loaded shotguns.
Crosslin and Rohm were busted for manufacturing marijuana (which
carried a 15 year maximum penalty). They were also charged with
firearms violations and with maintaining a drug house (each of
these carried a two-year penalty). Considering that Crosslin
was a convicted felon (for the 1970s robbery and a 1995 bar fight),
he was potentially facing more than 15 years in prison. Rohm
was probably looking at a minimum of two.
The bust was big news - the state police sent out a triumphant
press release announcing the arrests. When Teter arrived on the
scene, Crosslin saw then-attorney general Jennifer Granholm,
a Democrat who is now Michigan's governor, in the car with him.
Teter immediately got an injunction banning all future festivals.
By the time Crosslin and Rohm were bailed out of jail, Teter
had already filed for the forfeiture of Rainbow Farm.
"We were so broke," says DeCraene. "We had
deposits out. All our cash was gone. But we were two and a half
weeks from a huge moneymaking weekend that would have set us
right."
A week later, the government's battle with Tom Crosslin took
a far more personal turn: Robert didn't come home from school.
At Teter's behest, sheriffs under the direction of the Family
Independence Agency had taken the handsome 12-year-old out of
class and placed him in foster care with a former police chief
from Edwardsburg. Rohm was disconsolate. He had sought to insulate
Robert from the abandonment he had felt as a child. Now everything
was lost. Crosslin fell into a sustained rage.
"Tom was very defiant. But my impression of Rollie was
that he was scared," says Dori Leo, a former prosecutor
and an attorney with Vlachos and Vlachos in Kalamazoo, Michigan
who took their case. Leo told Crosslin that if they could get
the tax warrant thrown out - and she believed he had a good shot
at that - all the other charges would be thrown out too. But
she didn't understand that Crosslin knew he wouldn't ever be
able to get Robert back to Rohm. He'd failed. His festivals were
a bust. His employees had been forced to leave. He had no money.
His corner of the world had been invaded; his lifestyle and his
vision crushed.
"Tom knew it was all over, and if he went to court they
were going to issue order after order," says Don France.
"That's why he acted the way he did."
Crosslin and Rohm closed ranks. Rohm got weekly visits with
his son, and at the first one Robert sat on his lap and they
both sobbed. Rohm struggled to meet the two conditions that would
allow them to be reunited: He moved into the Bonine Mansion,
another house owned by Crosslin a couple of miles away, in order
to separate from him, and he went to rehab to quit smoking pot.
He didn't achieve either goal. Crosslin even held one pathetic
gathering at Rainbow Farm later in the summer, attended by a
dozen or so people. Two of them were Teter's narcs. Rohm and
Crosslin were seen smoking weed, and Teter took action to revoke
their bail. Aside from compounding the couple's dire legal troubles,
their error ensured that it would be a long time before they
could even dream of regaining custody of Robert.
During the week leading up to their bail hearing on Friday,
August 31, 2001, Crosslin and Rohm literally gave away the store.
Leinbach, security chief Travis Hopkins and others turned up
to claim different pieces of their past. If the government was
going to take his property, Crosslin wanted it to have as little
value as possible. And so on Friday morning he began burning
down his buildings.
The Siege of Rainbow Farm
Buggy Brown, a regular at the campground, was the boyfriend
of Nikki Lester, who managed the farm's general store. On August
31 he was over at the File farm next door, milking cows, when
he saw smoke pouring into the sky. He rushed to Rainbow Farm
and found Rohm dressed in camouflage, carrying a Ruger Mini-14
.223 assault rifle. Brown sized things up and said, "Smoke
one last bowl?" They burned one in Brown's pipe as the buildings
crackled. Rohm then said, "It's time. You need to leave."
Brown, upset, called Sheriff Joe Underwood and warned him
not to send in firefighters. He didn't want anyone hurt. Underwood
then sealed off Pemberton Road, about a mile from the farmhouse,
which was the only way in or out. Later that day, .223-size bullets
were fired at a WNDU-TV news helicopter, putting a hole in a
rear stabilizer. Later someone also shot at a Michigan state
police plane. The shootings brought the FBI to Rainbow Farm.
Down Blacks Road a converted school was requisitioned as a staging
area and filled with dozens of government cars, National Guard
helicopters and light armored vehicles. The siege had begun.
By about 12:30 P.M., Underwood found Brown and asked him to
be his messenger to Rainbow Farm. Brown walked the mile of dirt
road from the barricades at Pemberton and Blacks. He found Crosslin
cradling the "Tom ordered me out of there," recalls
Brown. "I left empty-handed." He went twice more that
day, once to deliver Dori Leo's cell phone, which quickly died,
and once at sundown. "My last time out I jokingly said I'd
bring them breakfast, and they gave me an order for McDonald's."
He saw this as a sign of hope.
Others were less optimistic. That afternoon, Crosslin's dad,
along with his brother Jim, his mother, Ruby, and his stepdad,
Luther Batey, were allowed to drive out to the farm. "I
had a few beers with him," says Jim tearfully. "I told
him I loved him. He wasn't coming out."
By nightfall Rainbow Farm was deadly silent. State police
snipers crawled into positions in the woods from which they could
see the house. Inside, Crosslin and Rohm were drinking beer.
They had no electricity, no phone, no water - everything had
been taken out by the fires.
On Saturday morning FBI profile Roy Johnson took over communications
with Brown, who began by saying, "I want to tell you right
now I'm a pot smoker." Johnson sent him out to deliver the
McDonald's breakfast. Brown was being debriefed after his first
trip when Teter showed up at the command post.
"My girlfriend heard Teter ask someone, 'What is she
doing up here? She's one of them,'" says Brown. He threatened
to quit unless Teter left. The FBI shooed Tether away. He never
came back.
When the cops managed to get Crosslin to take a call on the
cell phone, he demanded to talk to Robert. The request was denied.
The conversations ended with Crosslin shouting, cursing the FBI,
yelling that they had no right to bargain with "their kid."
Sometime between sundown Sunday and noon on Labor Day morning,
Crosslin and Rohm unloaded automatic weapons fire on a light
armored vehicle, which they referred to jokingly as Sparky. Occasionally
they stood on the porch and yelled, "Come and get it, motherfuckers!"
When Johnson asked (via Brown) what would bring an end to the
standoff, Crosslin sent back the message: "Send Teter in
here, and you can all be home fucking your wives tonight."
The Endgame
By dawn on Labor Day, 120 law enforcement officers were on
the scene, many along the perimeter of Rainbow Farm. That morning,
Brandon Peoples, an 18-year old neighbor and regular at the campground
coffee shop, decided to walk onto the farm through the cornfield
and managed to slip past the cops. He was determined to convince
Crosslin to turn himself in. Crosslin was pissed off to see him
but said he could use help on an errand: He needed company on
a mission to scrounge up some food from a neighbor's abandoned
cabin about a quarter mile away. Crosslin carried his Ruger and
a two-way radio and stepped outside. Peoples, holding a feather
- he said it was for good luck - joined him. The two men stood
by the door and listened for something, anything. A snap of a
twig. A cough, perhaps - any sound that would give away the position
of FBI snipers. The pair stepped down a two-track path to the
south running parallel to the oiled dirt of Pemberton Road and
left Rohm behind inside the farmhouse, also with a two way radio.
Peoples walked in silence behind Crosslin, who had told him
falsely that the roads were mined and set up with trip wires.
Peoples tried his best to walk exactly in Crosslin's footsteps.
They headed down and traversed acres of swamp bottom. Crosslin
shouldered-in the front door of a small cinder-block cabin belonging
to Carl "Butch" McDonald. The old man called Crosslin
a "damn good neighbor" and had cleared out days earlier
when Crosslin warned him there might be trouble. Crosslin and
Peoples grabbed a coffeemaker, coffee, steaks, bread, five cartons
of cigarettes and other supplies and put them in plastic trash
bags. McDonald's house was also full of guns. Crosslin offered
Butch's .22 rifle to Peoples to replace the feather. "Don't
you want to stick around and have fun?' he asked. Peoples refused
the gun.
When they returned to the farmhouse they realized they had
forgotten the coffeepot. So they went back to McDonald's house
and while returning stopped on the steep knoll dubbed Mount This,
a favorite spot for festival security workers because of its
expansive views of the house and road. Crosslin was catching
his breath. Peoples bent down to tie his shoe. Then Crosslin
hushed him: "I heard a noise," he whispered. Crosslin
called Rohm on the radio to tell him they were almost back, saying,
"incoming." As he crept across the clearing, Peoples
followed, looking down. He again tried to walk in Crosslin's
footprints and clutched the Bunn coffeepot fiercely. Crosslin
looked into a garbage can, then stepped slowly around the rocks
of a fire pit. Suddenly he tensed and stared intently at the
dense underbrush.
In the next instant, Peoples heard shots and shouting. FBI
snipers Richard Salomon and Michael Heffron popped up and shot
simultaneously, Salomon hitting Crosslin above the right eye
with a .308 that blew thorough the back of his skull, killing
him instantly. He nearly fell on Peoples, and his brain landed
two feet away from his shattered head. Skull fragments raked
People's face, and he went down on hands and knees, shuddering
and screaming, "I'm hit!" The agents moved in quickly
and place him under arrest. The last thing he saw as he was carted
off was his plaid shirt lying in the woods, paces away from Crosslin's
lifeless body. Crosslin never fired his gun.
Rohm waited in the house alone.
Rohm's son saw the news on his foster parents' TV. He knew
that Crosslin had been killed, and jumped to the phone and called
Tammy Brand, the mother of his best friend Dairik, yelling, "Don't
let them kill my dad!"
"We had high hopes that Rohm was going to walk out of
there," says Lieutenant Mike Risko of the Michigan state
police, "because he was talking to us adamantly and strongly."
Robert agreed to write his father a letter. "Hey, Dad,"
it read. "Please come out so no one gets hurt."
What happened on that Tuesday morning doesn't make much sense.
It might have been a tragic miscommunication or the final statement
from a men who felt he had nothing left to lose. State troopers
in an LAV tossed Rohm a phone during the night, and Rohm agreed
to surrender at seven o'clock Tuesday morning if he saw his boy.
"We agreed to bring Robert out there," says Risko.
But just after six A.M., an upper room in the house caught fire,
and Rohm emerged, carrying his Ruger.
According to the state police, troopers stormed up in the
LAV and told Rohm over a bullhorn to drop the gun. He seemed
frightened and confused. Suddenly he turned back into the house.
("Possibly for the dog," Risko says.) He re-emerged
on the run and took cover under a small pine tree 10 yards from
the house. The LAV moved forward. "At that point he shouldered
the rifle," Risko says, "and he was taken out by a
sniper." One bullet went through the butt of his rifle and
his chest. Like Crosslin, he never fired a shot.
Robert was halfway down the road at the time. He saw the smoke
and heard the gunfire, which he believed was ammo ignited by
the fire. Then he was ushered back to the car. By the time he
got home, a detail of caseworkers, counselors and FIA officials
- his new family - was already on its way to give him the news.
That night a harvest moon rose over the destruction at Rainbow
Farm, and then it rained.
Epilogue
During the standoff, a small crowd had gathered at a makeshift
protest camp along M-60. A typical sign read OUR GOVERNMENT IS
KILLING AMERICANS.
"This was a Waco-like event," says Rick Martinez,
Michigan editor for the South Bend Tribune. "You have individual
rights, but then there's the specter of illegal drug sales. They're
parallel events, but it's apples to oranges to grapes."
"You could see this whole thing as Scott's fault,"
says Lorraine Jaffee, an outspoken foster-parent advocate from
Edwardsburg who has had run-ins with Teter. "If he hadn't
taken Robert Rohm, none of this would have happened."
The official version of events - that Crosslin and Rohm both
raised their rifles - was soon disputed. Within days, investigations
were launched by the families, the prosecutor, the state's attorney
general, the state police, the FBI, even the Michigan Militia.
The lawyer handling a wrongful-death civil suit for Rohm's estate
says the state police account of Rohm's death is seriously flawed.
"Our forensic experts are the guys retained by the defense
team at Ruby Ridge," says attorney Christopher Keane. "Among
other problems, there's no way Rohm could have been facing the
LAV in a ready-to-shoot position at the time he was shot. The
police case is forensically baseless. Usually, the cover-up is
worse than the crime. Here, it is just as bad."
The case is still pending
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