Monday, September 29, 2003 - The Seattle Times
The Case for Fresh Ideas on Waging the Drug War
by Neal Peirce
Has the time come for the federal government to cede the
"war on drugs" to America's state and local governments?
A powerful case for devolving critical drug policy choices
of which substances to forbid, whether to focus police on drug
cases, imprisoning versus treating offenders has been made by
two Florida State University economists, David Rasmussen and
Bruce Benson.
Of course, it's hard to imagine rational debate about drug
policy as long as President Bush and his ideologically driven
attorney general, John Ashcroft, are in office. Even the never-inhaling
Clinton administration sat quietly as both federal and state
incarcerations for drug offenses skyrocketed.
But the common-sense case for fresh thinking has become overwhelming.
Largely because of drug cases, the United States, with 2,071,686
people behind bars, had the world's highest incarceration rate
in 2000. It cost the country $26 billion that year to imprison
1.3 million nonviolent offenders - including hundreds of thousands
of drug offenders.
Rigid prohibition remains federal policy even as substantial
experiments in decoupling hard and soft drugs, especially de-criminalizing
possession of small amounts of marijuana, are spreading in Europe
and Canada. Ashcroft is even cracking down hard on California
co-ops that administer marijuana to relieve the acute pain of
terminally ill persons - a policy specifically approved by California
voters in a 1996 referendum.
But it's not just authoritarian or moralistic ideology that
drives harsh drug policy. Our political system continues to condone
stiff penalties, long sentences - even though there's ample evidence
that treatment of addiction, dollar for dollar, is far more effective.
Indeed, a much-cited RAND study that focused on cocaine use concluded
that an added dollar on drug treatment is seven times more cost-effective
than a dollar more for drug enforcement.
From 1968 to 1998, drug arrests per capita rose from 26 per
100,000 population to 615 per 100,000. Yet, illicit drug use
is still flourishing. Why aren't we objecting?
Most blame is usually thrown at politically opportunistic
legislators. But legislators, argue Rasmussen and Benson in a
law review article, respond largely to interest groups. And there's
a massive lobby out there pushing the drug war - the police chiefs,
sheriffs, prosecutors and their allies in federal enforcement
bureaus.
Indeed, goes this argument, bureaucrats instinctively fight
to expand their funds and turf, using direct lobbying, policy
manipulation and selective release of information and misinformation.
Back in 1937, enforcement agencies pushed for the Marijuana Tax
Act, which proved pivotal in the subsequent criminalization of
marijuana. The federal Bureau of Narcotics fed the "reefer
madness" of the time, claiming - contrary to scientific
fact - that marijuana causes insanity, incites rape, causes delirious
rages and violent crimes.
More recently, police departments have tended to blame most
local crime on drug use, thus expanding their budgets as well
as encouraging legislators to pass increasingly strict sentencing
for drug offenders. Which of course keeps the prosecutors busy
and pleases yet another lobby - contractors who build prisons.
On top of that, police and sheriffs' groups lobbied successfully
to let their departments retain proceeds from the sale of assets
confiscated in drug raids. Result: They profit directly from
drug busts, a practice raising serious ethical and constitutional
questions.
The net result, argue Rasmussen and Benson, is "a tragedy
in the criminal justice commons," as drug enforcement dominates
budgets, making funds scarce for such unfolding needs as community
policing and homeland security.
So how do we introduce new ideas, innovate, experiment, think
afresh about the drug issue? Only, the Florida State authors
argue, by decentralizing drug policy. They would leave the federal
government to deal with such issues as interstate drug shipments
but revoke national rules (like blanket prohibition of marijuana)
and hold state legislatures, agencies and bureaucrats more directly
responsible for the costs and results - positive or negative
- of their policies.
Would such a move lead to wholesale liberalization of drug
laws? Probably no time soon, in most states. The same law-enforcement
bureaucracies would almost surely fight change.
Yet, we're not a uniform nation regarding drugs - only marijuana
and cocaine are said to be used throughout the country, with
other drug usage varying dramatically, even within states. Different
places may need quite different approaches.
Plus, with a loosening of the federal hand, at least we could
have debate about new research in physiological effects of various
drugs, consequences of less regulation and dramatic treatment
alternatives. Reform - where the public is willing - would have
a fighting chance. States could compare notes, be "laboratories
of democracy." Less Washington dictation plus more local
autonomy equals federalism at work. What's not to like about
that?
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